Wednesday, March 12, 2025

Three Things that Won't Help us Against Trump #3: Europe

The Trump tariffs are on, sort of on, whatever. And the Canadian resistance seems continuous. Good. Here are three things not to be too reliant on in the struggle: 1. Ending interprovincial "trade barriers." 2. The King. 3. Europe.

3 Europe  (see #1 here and #2 here)

Donald Wright, historian and president of the Canadian Historical Association, has a vigorous thought piece on the 51st State delusions of the American government up at Policy Options magazine.

When I read his suggestion that being a constitutional monarchy will protect us from absorption, I thought: if the king is our first line of defence, we are really in trouble. But he goes on to underline that constitutional arcana will not save us: the only way Canada will become American is by conquest and occupation

If Canada does become part of the United States, it won’t be as a state. It will be as an occupied territory and occupations never end well for the occupier – something Americans understand after 20 years in Afghanistan and Iraq.

That does underline the seriousness of our situation.  

It seems to me that King Charles cannot be a positive factor in any Canadian resistance, and that expanding interprovincial trade will not make up for the loss of cross-border business. 

A third popular proposal is that we open up new trade routes and alliances, particularly with Europe.

But this one is dubious too. For decades, Canada has sought endlessly to diversify its trade links across the globe. We already have a free trade pact with Europe. But shipping car parts back and forth between Dusseldorf and Windsor is never going to be as feasible as between Windsor and Detroit.   

And if military defence of Canada is required, it's hard to avoid the conclusion that European strategists will decide that Europe has quite enough military challenges on its own continent without committing its forces to a confrontation with the Americans in their back yard.  Europe would surely deplore and condemn American attack on Canada. But we already saw the British prime minister remaining studiously non-committal with regard to Canada in his talks with the American president.   

In 1939 Canada went to war in defence of Poland. But it was forty-five year before the Poles got out from under occupation from the Germans and then the Soviets. Without assistance, how long might an American occupation of Canada last, however vigorously it is resisted?

The solution still lies where the problem does: in the United States and its political/constitutional choices from now on. Full American Fascism? a big problem for us, but a terrible outcome for Americans and the American Dream too. This American problem will have to be addressed, or not addressed, in the United States, above all. For small countries, the decisive causes of their politics often lie outside their borders.

Historical comparison:  In the 1960s historian W.L. Morton theorized that Confederation represented, among many other things, a grand bargain between Britain and the United States.  Britain and the United States were seriously at odds on many issues, and upholding Britain's obligation to defend British North America was already a nightmare commitment.

The Canadian proposal for confederation offered a solution. Canada would run its own affairs, and Canada, while independent, would never pose the substantial threat to American interests that Britain still did in the 1860s. And the British would be able to withdraw their garrisons from the American borders (as they did within five years of confederation).  

Until recently, that grand bargain looked set to last a couple of hundred years at least.  But fascism is a toxic version of nationalism, and American fascism acknowledges no friendships or alliances for the American nation, only victims and targets.               

Some historic anniversaries

Meant to post this yesterday.  But things interfered.  
  • March 11 is the 177th anniversary of the achievement of responsible government in the Province of Canada, March 11, 1848. Details here if you need.
  • It's also the fifth anniversary of the official declaration of the Covid pandemic.
But I really wanted to mention that today is the fifth anniversary of the day I had surgery to remove my cancerous prostate gland. Thursday I am going to see the surgical urologist who performed the operation. I trust we will celebrate my completion of five years cancer-free -- and doing well in all other respects too.

I don't like to think what the consequences might have been if my surgical appointment had been a week later and indefinitely postponed due to the pandemic.  

But this is mostly a personal suggestion to the men in my readership. Don't neglect your PSA tests. If not for one of those, I probably would not be blogging at you any more. 

Sunday, March 09, 2025

This Month at Canada's History: McGee, Parachute War, SCC and more

April 2025 marks the 200th anniversary of the birth of Thomas D'Arcy McGee. Right on time the new issue of Canada's History has a substantial article on the man, by David Wilson, author of the two volume biography that appeared some years ago to much acclaim. Wilson has pointed out that the hundredth anniversary in 1925 produced many and substantial tributes. For the 200th, not much at all. That's more evidence, I think, for the theory that a hundred years is about the longest that personal and community memory of prominent people and events is likely to last.  

Also: a nice short item sparked by the 150th anniversary of the foundation of the Supreme Court of Canada.  And an essay on the 1st Canadian Parachute Battalion by James Jackson, which made one of the last large parachute assaults on a well defended location: the German occupied side of the Rhine in the spring of 1945.  It had already been pretty well demonstrated that parachute attacks on defended territory produced unacceptable levels of casualties among the parachutists.  But the Allies were in a hurry, for reasons the article lays out nicely.

Jon Malek on Philipino immigration to Manitoba as sparked by an odd sponsored immigration project from the garment industry of Winnipeg.  And -- timely  -- Jon Lorinc on public investment in housing in the post Second World War period, a project that actually provide housing people needed!  Where have governments like that gone?

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Friday, March 07, 2025

Three Things that Won't Help Us Against Trump #2: The King

The Trump tariffs are on, sort of on, whatever. But the Canadian resistance seems continuous.  Good. Here are three things not to be too reliant on in the struggle: 1. Ending interprovincial "trade barriers." 2. The King. 3. Europe.

2. The King  (see #1 here)


John Fraser, a lively, genial, well-informed presence on the literary and journalist scene in Toronto and Canada (I say from of a handful of encounters, no more) and an activist in monarchist circles for many years, had a piece about King Charles in the papers the other day.  Crucial sentences:

We are a sovereign nation with a democratic system of government that embraces a constitutional monarchy. That monarchy is now needed to defend our sovereignty. King Charles has actually been longing to come to Canada for several years and has been repeatedly put off.

Of the three sentences, I find the first acceptable, except for the word “embraces.” But the second sentence is dangerously wrong. And because it is wrong, I find the first part of the final sentence distressing and the second part reassuring, which must be about the reverse of what John Fraser would wish Canadians to take from it. 

The problem with the second sentence is this: the King cannot defend our sovereignty. He could only undermine it.

Some Canadians understand the complicated constitutional situation in which the King of the United Kingdom also has the constitutional status of King of Canada. If Canada and Britain ever went to war against each other (please not!), the constitution presumes he would somehow support, indeed embody, both sides.

We are almost in that situation right now. The British government feels an urgent need to keep as close to the United States as possible – such is always the British position. Yet the Canadian government declares we are in a trade war with the US that is also an attack on our borders, our sovereignty, and our national existence.

It may be true in some sense that the King as King of Canada could make a statement in support of Canada existence. But should he do so, two profound problems would arise.

First as King of Britain, it appears Charles will also be following the emerging British/European consensus that in order to withstand the American assault on Europe, Canada will have to be abandoned. To play his role as head of two countries, he will soon be supporting two opposed policy lines.

As we said, it is constitutional acceptable to imagine the king holding two such contradictory positions. But the king is a proud man, and it is hard to see him wishing to say simultaneously “My Canada must be saved” and “Canada is not my problem.” He could do it, I suppose, but no one would ever take the poor two-headed man seriously again.

Second, even if the Canadian government did tell King Charles he must robustly speak for Canada and he accepted the assignment, his intervention could only do harm to the Canadian cause. 

Canada is a proud, sovereignty, independent, unique nation in the world of nations. It is on that basis we have united to defend ourselves from the American threat.

But the moment Charles presumes to speak for us in his plummy accent and too-English suits, the whole world’s reaction (okay, maybe not New Zealand's), will be to say, “Gee, I thought Canada was its own country. If it is still a colony of England, subservient to the English king, maybe they do need to be liberated and given some of that American freedom.” As our king, Charles is obligated to defend us should we ask him to. But little could do more to weaken our cause before the world (and here at home) than us seeking his leadership and him trying to provide it.

Which is why it is alarming John Fraser believes that Charles is anxious to come here, and reassuring that he has not yet come and may not at all, at least as long as the British Prime Minister is using him to curry favour with the American President, the declared foe of our national existence.  Let us defend our own existence. It just works better that way,

A way out of this awkwardness? 

I happened to hear an episode of the British podcast "The Rest is Politics" recently, in which Rory Stewart and Alasdair Campbell briefly took up the American threat to Canada. They agreed that Keir Starmer, as Britain's prime minister, and Charles III, as head of the Commonwealth, should each take a strong stand in support of Canada and its national sovereignty. 

Neither seemed to take seriously the notion that either the PM or the king could, would, or should speak for and on behalf of Canada

That seems a sensible and detached position to adopt.

Wednesday, March 05, 2025

Historians Talk: David Wilson in Toronto; Jim Phillips in Whitby.

 

 

My good friend David Wilson, General Editor of the Dictionary of Canadian Biography and prolific author on Canadian, American, and Irish historical matters, speaks Friday at Toronto's Yorkminster Park Speakers Series, a well-attended public lecture series with a commendable interest in things historic and Canadian. More info here.

What's the good of having a blog if you can't promote your friends? Because my other good friend the legal historian Jim Phillips speaks in Whitby, Ontario on Monday, March 6, about his forthcoming book on the scandalous divorce trials of the Whitby Campbells.  Details from the Whitby Historical Society here.

Book Notes: Recent Histories from University of Toronto Press


It's a big press. Under Canada/History, UTP currently offers 1107 titles. Let's take note of a few of the recent and forthcoming (none of which I have seen beyond the catalogue page):

Stephen Azzi and Patrice Dutil, ed., Statecraft: Canadian Prime Ministers and their Cabinets.  Dutil's previous edited collections on political history have been very well received. 

Ted Binema, The Vancouver Island Treaties and the Evolving Principles of Indigenous Title.  With Haida title newly confirmed, sounds relevant.

Lisa Pasolli and Julia Smith, Rethinking Feminist History and Theory: Essays on Gender, Class, and Labour A festschrift for Joan Sangster, with Canadian and international perspectives.

Ninette Kelley, Jeffrey G. Reitz and Michael J. Trebilcock, Reshaping the Mosaic: Canadian Immigration Policy in the Twenty-First Century.  "Documents the lack of transparency and informed public engagement in policy formation, and the implications this lack may have on maintaining public confidence."

Barry D. Lipson, The Canadian People: How We Became Who We Are.  Would the White House have views?

Gregory Marchildon, Tommy Douglas and the Quest for Medicare in Canada.  Should be substantial.

Brian Tennyson, No Regrets: The Rise and Fall of Sir William Hearst. Political biography endures.

 Greig Mordue and Dimitry Anastakis, The North American Auto Industry since NAFTA.  Timely!

Tuesday, March 04, 2025

Three Things that won't help us against Trump #1 Interprovincial Trade Reform UPDATED



So the Trump tariffs are on. And so is the Canadian resistance. Here are three things not to be too reliant on in the struggle: Ending interprovincial "trade barriers." The King. Europe.

1.  Interprovincial trade barriers.

I was heartened the other day to read the economist Mark Lee casting doubt on interprovincial trade-barrier reductions as a easy source of Canadian economic strength. 

In response to the threat of Trump tariffs, an old narrative about interprovincial trade barriers has risen from the dead. The idea that eliminating supposedly massive internal trade barriers would lead to thousands of dollars per year in gains for ordinary Canadians makes for great soundbites, but should we really believe that there is a free lunch to be had?

While politicians have claimed that Canada’s GDP could grow by up to $240 billion, those numbers simply don’t make sense based on what we know about interprovincial trade.

If anything, Mark Lee is too polite. A decade or so ago, for a research project I was associated with, I found myself reading background papers for "Tear Down These Walls," a Canadian Senate report on interprovincial trade barriers and the need to reduce them.  Some reliable economists, to be sure, argued there were gains to be made. But there were also claims that eliminating internal trade barriers could be worth "from $1 billion to $35 billion," which suggested the numbers were simply being pulled out of thin air -- much like today's $240 billion. 

Things that were being claimed as "trade barriers" back then included: provincial retirement funding programs, provincial pension regimes, provincial securities regulation, provincial minimum wage standards, provincial environmental and health regulations, and many more (virtually all?) aspects of provincial policy, even provincial subsidies to First Nations communities.

Province A required trucking companies to spend more on truck safety compliance than Province B did? Trade barrier! Province C required businesses to pay a more generous minimum wage than Province D? Trade barrier! Province X's climate change actions might cost a business more than Province Y's? Trade barrier.  

No doubt there are some provincial regulatory regimes that could be harmonized for greater mutual convenience. But it was pretty clear that the intention of many of those appearing before the Senate hearings was not to create national prosperity out of thin air so much to launch a full-frontal assault on the rights of provinces to use their legitimate authority to regulate business activities in the best interests of their citizens.  

There never have been tariffs on interprovincial trade in Canada, none since 1867. Indeed even our international free trade agreements in recent decades have been more about reducing regulation rather than reducing cross-border tariffs, which were vanishing by the 1960s. Trump's enthusiasm for tariffs is truly weird, and the American people need to give him a firm whack upside the head for inflicting them.

But the people who promise that granting your right to have your local beer supplier stock some obscure craft beer from the other side of the country will lead to national economic salvation? They have another agenda entirely. As a way of responding to the Trump tariffs, I suspect this interprovincial trade furor is a meaningless distraction. 

I'll get to 2) The King and 3) Europe in the next couple of days.

Update, March 5: CBC News recently offered an inept and cheerleaderish analysis of the interprovincial trade issue. One would think the CBC News might ponder why a unanimous ruling of the Supreme Court of Canada not long ago dismissed the outlandish claims that populate this piece. But no. (Sometimes I see the point of Pierre Poilievre's animus against the CBC. What a bushleague news operation it has become!)

Update, March 6:  Linda McQuaig takes up the interprovincial trade issue
Today, our business leaders seem, above all, determined to use the Trump crisis to win concessions they’ve long sought from Ottawa, like more tax breaks and deregulation.
Indeed, deregulation appears to be the main impetus for removing interprovincial trade barriers. 
And here's economist Marjorie Griffin Cohen interjecting a little common sense: 
The main reason businesses do not have more interprovincial trade is primarily because of the structure of the Canadian economy and its geography. ... Mostly those businesses that find significant barriers to trade cite issues related to geography – mainly the cost of transportation. 
In many cases, they [interprovincial "free trade" lobbyists] will focus on removal of crucial regulations that either protect people or allow provincial governments to promote their own economic and social policy objectives. Removing the policy tools of government undermines democratic control and makes it much harder to counteract the negative impacts of what Trump is now doing.



Book Notes: New Histories from McGill-Queen's



What have the historians been doing lately? We haven't done a review of new and forthcoming books in Canadian history for too long. So getting back into that saddle: a quick look at some CanHist from McGill-Queen's start-of-2025 offerings. To be clear: I have read none of these.
Richard H. Tomczak, Workers of War and Empire from New France to British America, 1688–1783, a study of corvee labour in New France and early Quebec

Martha Langford, History of Photography in Canada, Volume 1: Anticipation to Participation, 1839–1918. Has a substantial and authoritative ring.
 
Bohdan S. Kordan, No Place Like Home: Enemy Alien Internment in Canada during the Great War.  Contemporary echoes for immigration policies?

Stuart Macdonald, Tradition and Tension: The Presbyterian Church in Canada, 1945–1985.  A Canadian institution needing a big survey history, no doubt.

Elizabeth Quinlan, Standing Up to Big Nickel: The Story of the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers Strike, 1958.  

Cheryl Gosselin, Andrew C. Holman and Christopher Kirkey, eds.,Quebec’s Eastern Townships and the World: A Region and Its Global Connections. 

Micah True, The Jesuit "Relations" A Biography.  Looking at the whole project, rather than mining it for a few details.

Matthew Paul Trudgen, Securing the Continental Skies: The Development of North American Air Defence Co-operation, 1945–1958.  Gee, they used to be allies.

Monday, February 24, 2025

History of Ontario and of elections


The quick, early, provincial election called by Ontario Premier Ford wraps up this coming Thursday.  I don't think I have ever experienced a general election with so little engagement, so little sense of the public paying attention, and so little change in the polls.  All just as the governing party planned. The half metre of snow we have had in the past week must have the strategists thinking they have successfully rigged even the weather.

But if you do care to follow the issues at stake in Ontario, a good source is The Local, a shoestring digital-only newspaper available by free subscription (and always seeking your patronage).  The other day it put out a special election number  (funded, it says, by a lot of friends of the paper throwing in the $200 "taxpayer rebate" cheques Ontarians are receiving from the government (sometimes arriving on the same day as their voters' card.)  Here's the free link: 7 Years of Doug Ford | The Local

I wonder if representative government is just fading away, given the dominance everywhere of showman, performers, charlatans, and celebrities.  However, I'll get out to the polls on Thursday, voting who seems best placed against Ford's sockpuppet in our constituency.  Medical system in near collapse, education shattered, housing starts worst of any province in the country, unemployment up throughout Ford's term, cronyism and special dealing everywhere. Hope you vote too, if you are in Ontario.   

Friday, February 21, 2025

History of really bad ideas


I have been shocked, shocked, recently to see questions being asked about why King Charles has not weighed in to defend Canada against the Trumpazoid threats and insults.  The Toronto Star columnist Rosie Dimanno was recently demanding he save us.  And the usually sound Ottawa journalist Dale Smith declared it was not yet time for his intervention (and the government would have to ask him first), but it might be needed soon.

Surely any time sooner than never would be too soon. Involving the British King would only confirm American illusions about the colonial status of Canada and our "need" to be given American "freedom."  Whatever we do, we need to do this ourselves.  

We did not import any British hockey stars last night, did we?

I have no desire to change our structure of government, not much anyway. But the royal family... is foreign. Full stop. The aristocracy with the king at its centre, is part and parcel of British society and culture; the titled elite still owns half the land of Britain, is still prominent in society, business, the arts, and much else. The king and royal family make sense in that context, but NOT in any Canadian context. 

Nothing is more alien to Canada, nothing is more foreign. It just doesn't work here. The "Crown," meaning abstractly the federal or provincial state (as in Crown land, Crown prosecutor, Crown corporation), works well enough in Canada: it, the Crowns federal and provincial, are ours, are us. But we could operate with a Governor General, a vacant throne, and no royal family claiming any Canadian role. This gent over in Buck House.... no, just no.

History of SubStack

There are about 25 Christopher or Chris Moore SubStacks.  As far as I know none of them is mine. But recently I got an email from Substack reporting that a good friend of mine had subscribed to my SubStack.  

I asked the friend and he says he did indeed subscribe assuming it was my SubStack he would have access to, but now he thinks perhaps it isn't. But SubStack seems to have associate my email with something in order to congratulate me on my new subscriber.  Anyway, I repeat, as far as I am concerned I do not have a SubStack. 

SubStack may feel differently. If you understand what is going on here, your social media expertise would be welcomed.    

Thursday, February 20, 2025

Thomas Naylor 1945-2025 RIP: economic historian


I think of R. Thomas Naylor, longtime McGill history professor who died the other day, as one of a brotherhood (mostly guys, I think) who emerged from the 'sixties to build an influential network of new left/old left/Marxist/radical historians and to enliven the Canadian historical scene for a long time with their untraditional academic styles and their challenges to the standard narratives of Canadian history.

His obit says proudly:

His analyses irked some colleagues while others lionized Tom as a direct intellectual descendant of Harold Innis. Such responses neither deterred nor encouraged him. As Tom told a McGill News interviewer in 2014, "I don't think I set out to disturb things. I think things deserve to be disturbed."

Naylor was a prolific author on many aspects of economic, financial, and business history. His best-known book may have been his two-volume History of Canadian Business from 1975.

BTW, the brotherhood endures. Bryan D. Palmer is speaking in Calgary in a few days about his new two-volume history of Canada, Colonialism and Capitalism.

Tuesday, February 18, 2025

Canadian Encyclopedia expands its Macdonald/Indigenous content.

Following the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, the Canadian Encyclopedia is the latest standard reference work to reflect on and revise its coverage of John A. Macdonald and indigenous relations as part of the general rethinking of Macdonald that has been taking place in Canadian life and letters..  

TCE has acted cautiously. At the end of January it posted two "editorials," one an essay by Sean Carleton and Niigaanwewidam James Sinclair, entitled "John A Macdonald was no Friend to Indigenous Peoples" and the other "A Few Facts Everyone Should Know about Sir John A Macdonald" by Greg Piasetzki. (The sir/no sir usage alone is indicative of the mindsets behind each.) 

I can accept this both-sidesing of the question, though surely an encyclopedia usually canvasses the best sources and makes up its mind, doesn't it? Let there be debate as we move toward a new historiography as part of the slow process called Reconciliation, and I am confident which viewpoint will have the strongest arguments and ultimately the most credibility. The Carleton/Sinclair text seems likely to become the received standard before long, anyway.

Carleton and Niigaanwewidam are both professors at the University of Manitoba. Carleton's doctorate is in history, Niigaanwewidam's in Literature, and both are prolific writers and activists on indigenous and reconcilation matters widely published on matters of public policy, history, and indigenous rights and titles.  

Piasetzki is a private practice lawyer in Toronto, whose public statements seem to have mostly been defences of Macdonald and and anti-woke declarations.  

I was fact-checking Piasetzki's "A Few Facts" by the second paragraph. ("He is widely considered to have written a majority of the terms of Confederation." suggests the low standard of what is "widely considered" about the drafting of confederation, but it is surely not a fact.)  

But read both essays and see which seems more credible and substantial to you.

Saturday, February 15, 2025

 
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